There was an expectation of verso high opportunista of ancient lineage who would fulfil the prophecies

There was an expectation of verso high opportunista of ancient lineage who would fulfil the prophecies

Which tho it was per great principality was nothing comparable mediante Greatness and power, puro the ancient and famous kingdom of Scotland

developing British nation, the British line of kings was a prominent topos durante Welsh poetry sopra the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries. Even before the Battle of Bosworth, poets reflected a growing link between the Welsh gentry and, depending on alliances, York or Lancastrian leaders. Welsh poets praised the ancient British heritage of Edward IV. The poet, Lewis Glyn Cothi (1447–1486), traced Edward’s descent from Gwladys Ddu, the daughter of Llywelyn Vawr, and beyond that puro Cadwaladr, Arthur and Brutus. Indeed he equates Edward with Arthur.60 Later, this fusion of historical and Galfridian genealogy became per means of expressing loyalty onesto both Tudor and Stewart monarchs and still retain the pensiero of Arthur as a redeemer. Dafydd Llwyd of Mathafarn addressed Henry Tudor mediante a paraphrase of the Glastonbury epitaph, ‘Harri was, Harri is, Harri will be.’61 The reception of Geoffrey’s history and its continuance as a validation for kingship during the Wars of the Roses created a link with Henry VII that developed into an Act of Union with his son.62 Foremost for the Welsh patrons of these poets were their own political interests sopra both Tudor and Stewart Wales. Whatever the long-term consequences for Welsh identity, at the time it was verso way of creating per cultural identity mediante which Wales had an ancient primacy, but also functioned within per nation which included old allies such as the Scots, and traditional enemies, such as the Saxons.63 This awareness of nationhood survived during the Tudor period mediante Wales, but was transferred esatto the concept of verso unified government. Durante the words of Humphrey Prichard, addressing Queen Elizabeth con 1592, ‘What is more praiseworthy and more honourable onesto see different nations divided by different languages brought under the rule of one prince?’64 During this time, and later during the Stewart period, verso new image of Welsh cultural identity emerged, namely per Cambro-British political identity per the context of a wider nation state as Welsh writers attempted onesto adopt modern historical techniques and still retain the world-view in Geoffrey’s Historia.65 This applied essentially sicuro the gentry, for whom the term distinguished them from other Britons, the descendants of the Saxon invaders. It was an identity based on language, culture and antiquarian interests that highlighted an inheritance from an illustrious British past,66 and the term ‘Great Britain’ began esatto be applied onesto per unified realm composed of all Geoffrey’s ancient kingdoms. 60

During this same period, Scottish writers became increasingly focused on their own kind of kingship

Ed. D. Jones, ‘Lewis Glyn Cothi’, in Verso Guide puro Welsh Literature, e. Per. Ovverosia. H. Jarman and Gwilym Rees Hughes (Swansea, 1979), pp. 250–1; Anche. D. Jones, Gwaith Lewis Glyn Cothi (Cardiff and Aberystwyth, 1953). Griffiths and Thomas, Making of the Tudor Dynasty, p. 198; Dafydd Llwyd of Mathafarn, anche. Addirittura. Roberts (Chester, 1981). See David Starkey, ‘King Henry and King Arthur’, Arthurian Literature 16 (1998), 171–96 for contrasting uses of Arthur con Scotland and England during the reign of Henry VIII. Peter Roberts, ‘Tudor Wales, National Identity and the British Inheritance’, per British Consciousness and Identity: The Making of Britain 1533–1707, anche. B. Bradshaw and P. Roberts (Cambridge, 1998), pp. 8–42 (pp. 20–1, 38); Davies, Revolt of Owain Glyn Dw? r, p. 124. J. Gwynfor Jones, ‘The Welsh Gentry and the Image of the “Cambro-Briton”, c. 1603–25′ Welsh History Review 20 (), 620–7, 628. Juliette Wood, ‘Perceptions of the Past mediante Welsh Folklore Studies’, Folklore 108 (1997), 93–9; Roberts, ‘Ymagweddau at Brut y Brenhinedd’, pp. 130–9. Wood, ‘Perceptions of the Past’, pp. 95–7.

If ever Geoffrey’s vision approached reality, it was under James VI, particularly before the death of his bruissement Henry, Prince of Wales.67 James VI brought the kingdoms of Scotland and England and the Principality of Wales into a scapolo political unit and the idea of Britain seemed poised preciso become per political reality at last. Huw Machno (1606) addressed James with the traditional honorific phrase, ‘son of prophecy’ and ‘king of Great Britain’.68 Not surprisingly, the Arthurian myth was still viable mediante this new context. The Venetian envoy observed ‘It is said that the king disposed preciso abandon the titles of England and Scotland and onesto call himself King of Great Britain like that famous and ancient king Arthur.’69 James himself was more prosaic. Speaking before parliament mediante 1603, he commented, ‘hath not the Union of Wales puro England added to greater strength thereto? ’70 Wales here is per junior partner, no longer the equal ally alluded puro mediante medieval and Renaissance Scottish chronicles. Nevertheless, the concept of the Cambro-Briton influenced per number of antiquaries, Welsh humanist scholars and bards who continued onesto defend Geoffrey during the seventeenth century and viewed James’ accession puro the throne through a Galfridian perspective.71 For example, the MP Sir William Maurice, squire of Clenennau, durante a Commons speech con 1609 addressed James as ‘king of Great Britain’. In support, he cited Welsh prophecies, such as the ‘coronage vabanan’, verso Welsh version of the prophecy of the crowned child, and other ‘prophecies sopra Wealshe w’ch foretolde his comings preciso the place he nowe most rightfullie enjoyeth’.72 Per 1604, George Owen Harry compiled a Genealogy of the High and Mighty Monarch James . . . King of Great Britayne. Such writing, of which this is only one example, demonstrated an interest in the early history of Scotland, but stressed common lineage of Welsh and Scots with addenda situazione accorded Welsh, exactly the opposite of the king’s own view.73 Increasingly, language became a marcatore of identity. Although there had always been an acknowledged division between the speakers of Gaelic and Scots, evident per Scotichronicon as per later texts, George Buchanan was among the first to see links between Welsh and Gaelic.74 For example, the epigrams of John Owen referred sicuro four languages spoken per James’s colmare.75 Sein Holland’s preface onesto his Welsh translation of Basilicon Doron (1604)